Faris and Dunham revisited. Individual-level effects did not change with the addition of surrounding neighborhood poverty not shown. Neighborhood deprivation and health: We ran group mean centered models to test the hypothesis that individual-level characteristics predict perceptions of social and physical environ- mental stress within neighborhoods, accounting for neighborhood-level characteristics.
Finally, and we believe most important, we exploit the community-level design to uncover the structural pattern of flows between and within neighborhoods by income status and racial composition. Data from Los Angeles again underscore the importance of immigrant status and place of birth.
The Health Environments Partnership Survey. Int J Health Serv.
Until recently, the social sciences and the policy arena neglected wealth, intergenerational transfers, and policy processes that result in differential life chances based on racial criteria. The case of Blacks is paradigmatic of this inequality.
Through simulations of individual mobility behavior, he showed that collective sequences of mobility decisions made by individual actors responding to their divergent preferences for neighborhood composition can lead to a residential structure that is more segregated than any individual actor would prefer.
However, the research is not without flaws. Based on our findings, policy makers may wish to consider implementation of policies that 1 expand early childhood education programs and higher education opportunities and 2 encourage economic and community development initiatives in socially disadvantaged neighborhoods.
Phillips found that most of the white—black homicide differential was explained by differences in family structure and socioeconomic characteristics e. You are not currently authenticated.
However, despite these differences, the results reported here are generally consistent with those reported elsewhere in the literature, as described in the following section.
In this paper, we focus on a key aspect of selection—neighborhood sorting—by treating the neighborhood income attainment of an individual as problematic in its own right and thus requiring explanation.
Only about 25 percent of the difference in net financial assets is explained. This paper begins with a summary of the social science findings on race and wealth.
The temporal sorting by individuals of different racial and ethnic groups combines to yield a structural pattern of flows between neighborhoods that generates virtually nonoverlapping income distributions and little exchange between minority and white areas.
In addition, we have already noted that some relationships, such as those between residential stability and perceived physical environmental stress, may emerge over time. The test hypotheses were examined using separate Poisson regression models, which adjusted for spatial autocorrelation.
Choosing to remain in a changing or even declining neighborhood is a form of selection, after all, and can be just as consequential as the decision to relocate, an often overlooked point in debates about neighborhood effects. We selected homicide because homicide offenses are more likely to be accurately reported than other forms of violent crimes such as rape and assault.
Page Share Cite Suggested Citation: First, we test the hypothesis that neighborhood percent poverty, percent African American and percent Latino are positively associated with perceptions of social and physical environmental stress, adjusting for individual-level characteristics.
The fact that multiple children were sampled within families means that we can also examine unique family effects within our general analytic multilevel framework.
Objective and perceived neighborhood environment, individual SES and psychosocial factors, and self-rated health: Equivalence of the mediation, confounding and suppression effect.
Job decision latitude, job demands and cardiovascular disease: Theory, Research and Practice. The richest 1 percent owned 48 percent of the total. Our findings suggest the importance of understanding and addressing contributions of neighborhood structural characteristics to perceptions of neighborhood stress.
Here, the question becomes how individual decisions combine to create spatial flows that define the ecological structure of inequality, an example of what Coleman Data on these variables were obtained at the census block group level from the U.
We also study the emergent consequences of mobility pathways for neighborhood-level structure. Findings reveal that black youths face multiple layers of disadvantage relative to other racial and ethnic groups, and these layers work to create differences in arrest. You are not currently authenticated.
Test hypotheses were examined using separate Poisson regression models in which outcome data were counts of homicides.
Like the tradition of research based on the PSID, we assume census tracts make reasonable proxies to assess the income status of neighborhoods. Social and physical environments and disparities in risk for cardiovascular disease:A study from Florida State University, the University of Georgia and Southern Illinois University-Carbondale, “Neighborhood Racial Context and Perceptions of Police-Based Racial Discrimination of Black Youth,” analyzes survey data from more than black adolescents living across 73 communities in Georgia and Iowa.
Poverty, or neighborhood economic disadvantage, does not have to be synonymous with garbage in the streets, loud music, public drinking, prostitution, drug houses, and the fear of victimization they stimulate.
The results suggest that racial inequality in neighborhood economic status is substantially underestimated with short‐term measures of neighborhood income or poverty and, second, that the steps taken to end racial discrimination in the housing and le.
Unfortunately, little is known about the effects of neighborhood social context on black adolescents' experiences with racially biased policing. In the current study, we examined whether perceptions of racially biased policing against black adolescents are a function of neighborhood racial composition, net of other neighborhood- and individual.
He constructed a second neighborhood index to show high educational and occupational attainment. Using a regression analysis, Kye found that the growth of non-white residents within a census tract was a stronger predictor of white flight in middle-class neighborhoods (based on his indices) than in poor ones.
Furthermore, the direct comparability of the estimated school and neighborhood contributions can inform theories about the relative importance of each context in producing, or reproducing.Download